quarta-feira, 8 de novembro de 2017

BBC (Reino Unido) – Future of Brazil's contaminated river Doce still unknown

BBC (Reino Unido) – Future of Brazil's contaminated river Doce still unknown


On 5 November 2015, an iron ore waste dam burst in the town of Mariana, Brazil. Nineteen people were killed and mining waste was dumped into the river Doce.


The river's water has now been deemed fit for consumption but its native fish species have not reappeared.

Video at 



The Australian (Austrália) – China, EU step up to fill US climate gap


KATINA CURTIS

The United States is becoming isolated in its opposition to international action on climate change and other countries, especially China, are stepping up to fill the gap.

Syria now plans to join the Paris agreement on climate change, delegates at the UN climate conference in Germany said on Tuesday.

The decision follows Nicaragua signing up a fortnight ago, prompted in part by US President Donald Trump's June announcement he would seek to withdraw from the deal unless a better arrangement could be reached for America.

Syria and Nicaragua were the only two nations left outside the 195-country deal when it was agreed in 2015.

Meanwhile, China has been stepping up its role, after its Communist Party national congress in October for the first time formally declared the country a leader in global climate action.

Greenpeace East Asia's Li Shuo said this was a significant step for a country that previously had been reluctant, especially in its approach to UN negotiations.

But he said China has been working towards greater confidence in climate negotiations for some years.

"Trump's Rose Garden announcement certainly left a vacuum of leadership," he told AAP.
"But that vacuum in fact solidified other countries' commitment to Paris and has propelled China, as well as other countries, towards filling that leadership gap."

China has joined the European Union and Canada to establish a new ministerial forum on climate change.

Talks to establish the body started during last year's UN conference, COP22 - when it became clear Mr Trump would win the US election - and it met for the first time in September with representatives from 34 nations, including Australia.

European officials see this new group as filling the vacuum being left by the US on the world stage.

However, Mr Li said it still needed clarity around its mission.

A US delegation is attending the current climate talks and the Fijian COP23 presidency says it has been willing to engage and be constructive.

Meanwhile, environmental groups have sent a "US people's delegation" of activists to Bonn.
One, the University of Minnesota's Ellen Anderson, said much could be done at state and city level to combat climate change.

"It's important for the world to know that the people of the United States are moving forward on climate leadership and clean energy, with or without the support of the federal government," Prof Anderson said.


Atlantic Council (EUA) – Bonn and Berlin: COP23 and Coalition Negotiations Face Climate Challenges

Atlantic Council (EUA) – Bonn and Berlin: COP23 and Coalition Negotiations Face Climate Challenges

BY ELLEN SCHOLL

Both the international climate talks this week in the former West German capital of Bonn, and the negotiations over the future composition of the German government continuing this week in Berlin, will focus on the country’s approach to climate policy. While all eyes may be on Bonn, the discussions in Berlin provide a preview, and perhaps a microcosm, of the challenges ahead for global climate efforts.

The path forward for climate action, the main focus of the twenty-third Conference of the Parties (COP23), is also proving to be a key sticking point in the ongoing negotiations to form a new German governing coalition following elections in September. The discussions in both cities raise questions as to Germany’s role as a global leader in climate policy when strong leadership is needed most.

Germany’s Christian Democrats (CDU), along with their sister party, the Christian Social Union (CSU) and potential coalition partners the Green Party as well as the Liberal Democratic Party (FDP), began coalition negotiations in late October. Since then, they have been holding exploratory talks on climate, which have reportedly been “heated,” primarily due to disagreements over Germany’s emissions-reduction targets. This has been a surprise to observers more accustomed to Germany’s domestic support for the Energiewende, the national plan to shift to a low-carbon energy supply, which is generally touted by the German government (and others) as a model for energy transition.

While Germany is considered a global leader in climate action, alongside migration policy, climate action is proving to be a source of disagreement in German domestic politics. The contentious questions in Berlin regarding Germany’s climate policy are many of the same ones hanging over global climate negotiations in Bonn.

A major source of debate is the likelihood that Germany will fail to meet its 2020 national emissions reductions targets. While the three German political parties agree that the European Union (EU) climate targets—based on the Paris Agreement—are indisputable, there is less consensus on the role national targets should play. This raises questions of binding versus aspirational goals and targets, how to meet those targets, and to deal with failure.


The answers to these questions are crucial not just for Berlin, but also Bonn as the facilitative dialogues which Fiji, the host government of COP23, has renamed the “Talanoa dialogue,” commence. 

Under the Paris Agreement, this process activates the so-called “ratcheting” mechanism, requiring countries to take stock of progress in achieving their nationally determined contributions (NDCs) and increase ambition accordingly. Increasing ambition, measured by NDCs, is particularly important as the United Nations (UN)’s recently released Emissions Gap report found that current national pledges only account for a third of the reductions needed to remain below the target world temperature rise of two degrees Celsius. The lack of strong leadership in meeting climate targets from a well-positioned country like Germany could temper ambition at the exact moment when it is most crucial.

A second key question relevant to meeting both country-level and global ambitions is the role of fossil fuels in the energy—and particularly power sector—mix. This has proved a stumbling block in the German coalition talks, as the parties struggle to find agreements on the so-called coal exit. While the Greens have demanded a timeline and date for a coal phase out, the CDU has tried to avoid specifics while the FDP has left the question up to the European Emissions Trading System. The role of coal has taken on increased relevance in the German debate in the context of the ongoing nuclear phase out, which the government initiated following the 2011 Fukushima nuclear disaster in Japan.

The future of coal will also take center stage in Bonn, where thousands of demonstrators gathered over the weekend to protest Germany’s coal consumption, particularly as the US government plans to promote fossil fuels, including coal, as part an overall set of clean energy solutions. The difficulty in phasing out coal in Germany, Europe’s second largest coal producer and largest coal consumer, and US President Donald J. Trump’s support for coal and roll back of regulations like the Clean Power Plan underscore that the question of how to transition away from cheap (and often domestic sources) of energy in favor of cleaner power (and at what cost) remains unresolved—and politically fraught.

Also unresolved is the future of the transportation sector and its relationship to climate mitigation. Germany is a key stage upon which this question—and the future of the combustion engine—is playing out. Germany’s automotive sector employs 800,000 people and is the largest source of exports. For this reason, while the Greens have called for a ban on the combustion engine by 2030, the CDU and FDP have not been receptive. However, transitioning the transportation sector, particularly the automotive fleet, is key for global emissions reduction efforts, as nearly a quarter of global emissions comes from the transportation sector, which remains 95 percent reliant on petroleum-based fuels.

While many of these issues remain up in the air, one thing is for certain—as German leaders grapple with these issues in Berlin, world leaders will be doing the same in Bonn at the first COP conference since Trump took office. Any new German government should turn these domestic political debates into an opportunity to demonstrate not only that climate leadership starts at home, but real progress requires admitting and addressing shortcomings to translate commitments into concrete action. If a country known for coal and cars can form a governing coalition which successfully balances environmental interests and economic competitiveness, Germany just might live up to its reputation—and provide a durable model of climate leadership.

Maritime Executive (EUA) – ICS Forecasts Carbon-Free Shipping After 2050

 By MarEx


On Monday, as the U.N. COP23 climate conference opened in Bonn, the International Chamber of Shipping announced its vision for a carbon-free fleet in the second half of the century. For the intervening decades, ICS proposes that IMO member states should adopt a "suitably ambitious goal" for a reduction in carbon emissions, based on an "agreed percentage."


“It will be for governments to agree the actual reduction number when they adopt an initial IMO strategy next April," said ICS director of policy Simon Bennett. "And this is also going to have to address the legitimate concerns of major economies such as China and India about the implications for future trade and their sustainable development.” ICS noted that delegations from the EU and the Pacific Islands have proposed cuts of up to 70 percent by 2050, and Japan has proposed a 50 percent reduction by 2060 – a target that Bennett described as both “incredibly ambitious” and “realistic.”


In addition to any climate measures that IMO may adopt, Bennett says that unrelated regulatory initiatives are likely to lead to emissions reductions in the near term. "A significant increase in marine fuel costs is expected in 2020 due to the mandatory global switch by the entire world fleet to low sulphur fuels," he said. "This should greatly incentivise, to the extent this is possible, the further reduction of fuel consumption and CO2 emissions by ships.”


Eventually, Bennett foresees a carbon-free fleet. “ICS has a vision of zero CO2 emissions from shipping in the second half of the century. We are confident this will be achievable with alternative fuels and new propulsion technologies," he said. These technologies could include batteries, fuel cells, hydrogen or something not yet anticipated. However, ICS adds that the entire world fleet is unlikely to enjoy access to new alternative fuels for at least another 20 or 30 years.


Last month, UK-based advocacy organization InfluenceMap alleged that ICS, BIMCO and the World Shipping Council used their access to U.N. policy-making processes to delay the implementation of climate regulations on shipping. ICS, IMO and WSC denied these charges.

ICS was an active participant in events at the COP21 climate conference in 2015, and it will be involved in this month's proceedings at COP23 in Bonn, where it will represent its member national shipowners' associations.

The New York Times (EUA) – Wind and Solar Power Advance, but Carbon Refuses to Retreat

The New York Times (EUA) – Wind and Solar Power Advance, but Carbon Refuses to Retreat


By EDUARDO PORTER

Two decades have passed since diplomats from around the world emerged from a conference hall in Kyoto, Japan, with what was billed as the first deal ever to limit emissions of carbon dioxide and other heat-trapping greenhouse gases that are relentlessly warming the earth’s atmosphere.
Climate diplomacy has made a lot of progress since then. All but one of the world’s nations — the United States — have enlisted in the cause, making concrete commitments to reduce their reliance on fossil fuels.

Leaving aside President Trump’s past declarations that climate change is a hoax, there are heartening signs that the strategy may work: Global carbon-dioxide emissions have stopped rising. Coal use in China may have peaked. The price of wind turbines and solar panels is plummeting, putting renewable energy within the reach of meager budgets in the developing world.

And yet as climate diplomats gather this week in Bonn, Germany, for the 23rd Conference of the Parties under the auspices of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, I would like to point their attention to a different, perhaps gloomier statistic: the world’s carbon intensity of energy.

The term refers to a measure of the amount of CO2 spewed into the air for each unit of energy consumed. It offers some bad news: It has not budged since that chilly autumn day in Kyoto 20 years ago. Even among the highly industrialized nations in the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development, the carbon intensity of energy has declined by a paltry 4 percent since then, according to the International Energy Agency.

This statistic, alone, puts a big question mark over the strategies deployed around the world to replace fossil energy. In a nutshell: Perhaps renewables are not the answer.

Over the past 10 years, governments and private investors have collectively spent $2 trillion on infrastructure to draw electricity from the wind and the sun, according to estimates by Bloomberg New Energy Finance. Environmental Progress, a nonprofit that advocates nuclear power as an essential tool in the battle against climate change, says that exceeds the total cost of all nuclear plants built to date or under construction, adjusted for inflation.

Capacity from renewable sources has grown by leaps and bounds, outpacing growth from all other sources — including coal, natural gas and nuclear power — in recent years. Solar and wind capacity installed in 2015 was more than 10 times what the International Energy Agency had forecast a decade before.

Still, except for very limited exceptions, all this wind and sun has not brought about much decarbonization. Indeed, it has not added much clean power to the grid.
Environmental Progress performed an analysis of the evolution of the carbon intensity of energy in 68 countries since 1965. It found no correlation between the additions of solar and wind power and the carbon intensity of energy: Despite additions of renewable capacity, carbon intensity remained flat.

Some countries have bucked the trend. Denmark has sharply cut its carbon intensity with vast installations of wind turbines. And yet Germany’s experience seems to be more typical. The country went all out in deploying wind and solar energy over the past 10 years, but the decline in carbon intensity was minuscule, from 212 to 203 grams of CO2 per kilowatt-hour.

The renewables-or-bust crowd on the periphery of the meeting in Bonn might argue that the sun and wind owe their poor track record at decarbonization in countries like Germany to the fact that nuclear power was being phased out at the same time that they came online.

It is true that Germans would have made more progress in the battle against climate change had they kept their nuclear reactors running and shut plants burning lignite instead. Still, there are other reasons behind renewables’ poor track record in decarbonizing electricity.

Nuclear power faces hurdles beyond popular mistrust. Notably, reactors require a lot of capital up front. But renewables have a hard time producing power at a nuclear scale.

For instance, the Diablo Canyon reactor that California plans to close produces 14 times as much power as the Topaz solar farm, which requires 500 times as much land, according to Environmental Progress. The Wind Catcher farm in Oklahoma occupies 2,400 times as much land as Diablo Canyon but produces half as much energy.

The most worrisome aspect about the all-out push for a future powered by renewables has to do with cost: The price of turbines and solar panels may be falling, but the cost of integrating these intermittent sources of energy — on when the wind blows and the sun shines; off when they don’t — is not. This alone will sharply curtail the climate benefits of renewable power.

Integrating renewable sources requires vast investments in electricity transmission — to move power from intermittently windy and sunny places to places where power is consumed. It requires maintaining a backstop of idle plants that burn fossil fuel, for the times when there is no wind or sun to be had. It requires investing in power-storage systems at a large scale.

These costs will ultimately be reflected in power prices. One concern is that by raising the retail cost of electricity they will discourage electrification, encouraging consumers to rely on alternative energy sources like gas — and pushing CO2 emissions up.

Another concern is that they will drive wholesale energy prices down too far. Because they produce the most energy when the sun is up and the wind is blowing, renewable generators can flood the grid at critical times of the day, slashing the price of power. This not only threatens the solvency of nuclear reactors, which cannot shut down on a dime and must therefore pay for the grid to accept their power, but also reduces the return on additional investment in renewables.

A study by Lion Hirth from the Potsdam Institute for Climate Impact Research found that the value of wind power falls from 110 percent of the average power price to 50 to 80 percent as the penetration of wind rises from zero to 30 percent of total consumption. “Competitive large-scale renewables deployment will be more difficult to accomplish than many anticipate,” he concluded.

The diplomats in Bonn may be tempted to wave away these concerns. Thomas Bruckner of the University of Leipzig argues that in the case of Germany, expanding renewables to supply 80 percent of power by 2050 is “not a significant burden.” Heavy German investment in renewable energy technologies over the last decade succeeded in bringing prices down, he contends; it will be much cheaper to go the rest of the way.

Perhaps. But there is some evidence that among investors, at least, the excitement may be waning. After half a decade of sustained increases, investment in solar and wind energy has been fairly flat since 2010, at around $250 billion per year. While that is a lot of money, it is nowhere near enough.

“We will need twice as much investment over a sustained period of time to get anywhere close to achieving 2 degrees,” said Ethan Zindler, head of Bloomberg New Energy Finance in the Americas, referring to the objective of the world’s climate diplomats: keep the average world temperature from rising more than 2 degrees Celsius above its average in the late 19th century.

I would suggest that the challenge is not just to raise more money. Building a zero-carbon energy system requires broader thinking about the technological mix.

Folha de S. Paulo – Juntas, grandes produtoras de carne e leite poluem mais que a Alemanha

Folha de S. Paulo – Juntas, grandes produtoras de carne e leite poluem mais que a Alemanha

Apenas três produtoras de carne -JBS, Cargill e Tyson- emitiram mais gases-estufa em 2016 do que toda a França e quase tanto quanto algumas das maiores companhias de petróleo, segundo um novo estudo lançado no início das principais negociações climáticas da ONU em Bonn, Alemanha -o maior emissor de carbono da Europa.



ANA CAROLINA AMARAL, COLABORAÇÃO PARA A FOLHA,
EM BONN (ALEMANHA)

Por trás das caras inocentes do bife no almoço e do leite no café da manhã está uma cadeia produtiva responsável por uma boa parcela das emissões de gases causadores das mudanças climáticas.
Apenas três produtoras de carne -JBS, Cargill e Tyson- emitiram mais gases-estufa em 2016 do que toda a França e quase tanto quanto algumas das maiores companhias de petróleo, segundo um novo estudo lançado no início das principais negociações climáticas da ONU em Bonn, Alemanha -o maior emissor de carbono da Europa.
Ainda assim, o país emite menos do que as 20 maiores empresas de carne e laticínios do mundo. A maior delas é a brasileira JBS.
A criação de gado no Brasil está intimamente ligada ao desmatamento e às emissões de carbono, já que 65% da área desmatada na Amazônia é ocupada por pastagens, conforme os dados do Imazon, ONG que monitora desmatamento.

"Além da grande área utilizada para a produção de gado, boa parte da área utilizada para agricultura é também destinada à produção de grãos para ração animal", ressalta Cristiane Mazzetti, especialista do Greenpeace sobre Amazônia e desmatamento.

Para ela, a solução para diminuir o impacto da atividade no clima passa pelo rastreamento e pelo controle das cadeias produtivas.

O autor do estudo, porém, lembra que as emissões da JBS ultrapassam o território brasileiro, com uma produção global. E o problema estaria justamente aí. Devlin Kuyek, da ONG Grain, defende priorizar um modelo de negócio local como saída para o setor.

"As grandes empresas globais estão altamente subsidiadas em um punhado de países onde esses produtos já são super consumidos. Eles exportam seus excedentes em produtos processados e menos saudáveis para o resto do mundo, erodindo milhões de pequenos agricultores que poderiam garantir a segurança alimentar dos seus povos."

As emissões do setor de carne e laticínios são calculadas pelo IPCC (Painel Intergovernamental da ONU para Mudanças Climáticas), junto a emissões relacionadas a um grupo maior -agricultura, florestas e mudança do uso da terra.

Apenas o setor da pecuária pode ser responsabilizado por 15% das emissões de gases-estufa do mundo. "Se fosse um país, seria o 7º maior emissor", compara Kuyek. Procurada para comentar o estudo, a Associação Brasileira de Frigoríficos preferiu não responder.

Para chegar aos números do ranking, a pesquisa usa a estimativa da FAO (Organização da ONU para Agricultura e Alimentação) sobre as emissões da produção de carne em cada região do mundo e a multiplica pela quantidade de carne e laticínios produzida anualmente no mundo.